Tuesday 2 August 2016

The Road to November: Democratic Party - Convention and Nomination



Hillary Clinton accepts the Democratic Party's presidential nomination at the convention in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania


When approaching the American Presidential election of 2016 from the summer of the previous year, the election cycle to come seemed to be - perhaps even promised to be - an orderly and predictable event for the Democratic Party: that being the consolidation and then candidacy of Hillary Rodham Clinton for highest office, come President Obama's end of term. But, amid the the sweep of speculation - in truth a formality given the wider nature of political history - over Hillary's candidacy after stepping down from her recent office as Secretary of State, the process by which her candidacy would be realized would be far, far removed from the orderly - perhaps even choreographed - transition that party leaders and establishment commentators may have been envisioning for years. And so, even until the final hour, it would remain a particularly singular note of contention and cool feelings as the blue party would gather for their own election year convention in Philadelphia - the event unfolding over several remarkable, colorful and compelling days between the 25th-28th of July.


The William Penn statue of Philadelphia's city hall

 watches over gathering crowds of party attendees

It could be said with both a trained and untrained eye, that the process of the Democratic succession to Barack Obama's presidency had its roots before his first term, between 2008 and 2012, and with more distinct allusions being formed during his second term between 2012 and the coming election of November, 2016. The Democratic contest for the presidential nomination a remarkable and unprecedented one, it would be that Hillary Clinton's once considered inevitable candidacy was first dimmed and then finally eclipsed by the surprising, powerful and singular campaign of Illinois senator Barack Obama; the future president attaining the position in 2005, and coming to national prominence the previous year when delivering a powerful address to the Democratic Party convention in Boston, Massachusetts.

An inspired orator and compelling personality, he was considered quite invested as a presidential hopeful for the party - though still second to Clinton come the end of Bush's second term. The 2008 nomination process charged, fractious and even bitter, according to some, the contest between Clinton and the nascent Obama came down to hard fought, but definitive victory for Obama. His candidacy and ultimate victory in the election of 2008 historic, Obama moved to unify his party and government by selecting Hillary to be his Secretary of State, and drawing upon the experience and rugged strength of the seasoned Joe Biden - Democratic senator for Delaware and former presidential hopeful himself, in the late 1980's - along with other compelling Democrats too. Hillary would serve as Secretary of State during both terms before leaving office in 2013

The Democratic National Convention,

July 25th - 28th, 2016,

Philadelphia

 Her career successful - though sometimes overly  scrutinized and exaggerated by media elements -  Hillary's brief withdrawal from political life allowed  her to write and speak; a period which inevitably - and  ultimately - came to focus considerations of a future  presidential campaign, come the end of her once rival's  term in office. Concluding speculation, Hillary openly  stated her intentions and started her presidential  nominee campaign in April of 2015. Her desire for the  nomination inevitable, it would be that her campaign  would not go uncontested from within her own party.  As witnessed within the conservative movement of the  rival Republican party, the political institution of  America had been increasingly colored by the anti-  establishment and counter-mainstream politics seen in  Europe and elsewhere.

Inspired by the cultural, social and financial legacy of the neo-liberal narrative, myriad voices and causes sought a different representation than the one ostensibly offered by Hillary - the candidate's electoral popularity paling through her institutional history and status among financial and other select groups. The voice of protest found a formidable and compelling figure in the veteran democratic socialist senator for Vermont in Bernie Sanders. Addressing philosophical, institutional and other causes deemed to be at the very root of growing disparity and inequality in American society, Sander's cause in the Democratic Party grew exponentially until the movement was strong enough to contend - much in the manner of Obama in 2008 - Hillary's candidacy. Ultimately, though the contest would be close and tightly run, Hillary would emerge from favorite to nominee, as found in the events of the party convention in July.

Promising to be a tense, if not fraught, affair in its early hours and days, the convention would not disappoint in light of both the contentious process, and wider events. The convention witness to numerous protests by associated groups, the Democratic supporters of Bernie Sander's were indignant in their response to revelations from a chain of leaked emails that the Democratic Party establishment and its organs favored a Hillary candidacy and entertained - flippantly or not - means of precluding a Sanders candidacy if the contest was proving too contested or tight. Supporters of the candidate justly outraged, the convention saw protests and many speakers were openly booed or decried as they spoke towards a Hillary candidacy. In all, Hillary the presumptive nominee - through voter and establishment support - Bernie did concede, and though booed by the justly disappointed among his own support, praised those who had so risen in his favor, and commended their efforts to the future realization of their common ideals.

Though Sanders's candidacy for nomination was concluded, the elder Democrat remained to guide further proceedings in hopes of unifying and consolidating a common agenda in the party for the campaign to come. His campaign for nomination over, it will remain that the role and influence - be that direct or ambient - he has played in the coming Democratic and wider election campaign will motivate experts and commentators with a fine fascination. The polar inverse to the Republicanism of Donald Trump, Bernie Sanders came to lead - even embody - an intellectual and social movement which served to not only motivate Post-Obama Democrats, but to also critique the normative narratives of American social politics - as said, the neo-liberalism and moderate, pro-corporate temperament of America's liberal party after its reformation in the 1990's. Though it can be said that the party did indeed enjoy a golden age during the 1990's under the success of Bill Clinton, the history of the institutions established have played out to a much cooler reception by later generations - particularly among millennial's who have been rocked by the drawn out consequences of the 2008 financial crisis and global recession.

Bernie Sander' speech commending the cause of social 

justice and solidarity with H. Clinton's nomination

More so, at the time of writing, it will remain to be seen how particular the influence of the demographics and causes which Bernie motivated before this election campaign will influence the ultimate outcome in November - the scope of the veteran democratic socialist's cause spanning the USA, the cause and aim of those he championed could prove a powerful factor in the success or failure of local democrats, and indeed if Hillary Clinton succeeds in winning the presidency. More so, in this direction, there has been a growing vein of debate as to the ultimate fate of former Sanders's supporters and where their vote - if they do vote - will find itself on election day; many finding the cause of the Green Party's Jill Stein and even - in protest - with Donald Trump as a pained retort to the Democratic establishment. As mentioned, the potential upset that could be nourished here is considerable, given the deeply held convictions and anger so fostered, and so it will be a carefully held thing in the coming months as to if this group find themselves in the Democratic camp or note.

Beyond these, it has also been much related that Bernie - known for both the dry candor of his politics and trenchant observations on social questions - nurtured a notable popularity with older, seasoned working class voters; many of whom are rarely engaged by the predictability of latter day political machines and within whom moderate, measured rhetoric excites little. This richer appeal - relative to the nominee's lack thereof - could prove problematic, and especially in an election that could be tighter than many would wish; and one in which anti-establishment sentiments have proven so powerful. An incidence of this was explored by online news network "The Young Turks" when Cenk Uygur - columnist and liberal activist - spoke with a working class voter in Philadelphia, dubbed "Al", who may grudgingly resign themselves to vote for Hillary, but would have voted enthusiastically for Sanders from the outset. If such an incidence of intention plays out more universally in the coming months, it could prove very detrimental for the chances of the Democratic campaign among their ostensibly core constituents, and potentially work to undermine the mandate of a Clinton presidency if Hillary's campaign does succeed.

President Obama's commendation speech -

"Democracy is not a spectator sport"

Over the proceeding days, the convention welcomed and was lifted by the oratory of many liberal, progressive and party notables - among which President Obama stood tall in his appeal to the party and to the American public as a whole. Entering the final months of his - and indeed a historic - presidency reaching from 2008 to 2016, he was moved to reflect on the successes and the frustrations of his office since his first days, and the efforts to ensure a rich, sustainable legacy in both domestic, economic and foreign affairs - and in the face of sustained opposition, as well.

Of note, the successes and continuing work of the president's healthcare reforms - collectively known as "Obamacare" - with the economic recovery which he piloted since the grim days, late in the last decade, when America's economy was faltering and the latent weaknesses of both financial and socio-economic systems had violently risen. In social affairs, he pursued a moderately, but progressively liberal standing which would oversee many considerable accomplishments and have worked to empower and increase representation among particular groups. In foreign affairs, the inheritance of the Bush years - the ongoing "War on Terror" and its search for Osama Bin Laden - was successfully punctuated with America's withdrawal from Iraq and the eventual elimination of Bin Laden himself.

More so, the ongoing issue of Iran's influence was given a decisive, positive reformulation when long negotiations allowed Iranian nuclear power for peaceful ends, in exchange for the lifting of sanctions and the conclusion of the country's desire for nuclear weapons capability. His address closing, it remained to the president to acknowledge the still potent and vital power of democracy to renew discussions and to forward positive, lasting change in both communities and societies as a whole. Though, he would carefully temper, this potential was contingent upon the enthusiasm and engagement of constituents, and so it would remain for those who desired positive change to endure, even in the face of stiffened opposition, and for a time until they saw themselves through to vindication.

VP Joe Biden gave a vivid speech, favoring even judgement
and aspiration: "the power of our example, not just the example
of our power"

Particularly notable among the succeeding speakers was found the address given by Vice President Joe Biden - and richly on the subjects of common destiny, mandate and Donald Trump. Though his term as VP has often been noted for verbal gaffs and slip ups, Biden's power as an orator of both reach and inspiration was given full focus on this occasion, and it would remain to both the party and the media to consider it one of his best, and perhaps the final, golden note to a long career of service to the party and public for the liberal cause. His support for Hillary's candidacy found a confluence in his particular, and sustained, criticism of Trump, as with Hillary's hard work, insight and accomplishment compared with the former's flippancy, disdain and seeming contempt for many of the cultural institutions which color and form the very fabric of American life - indeed, common values and aspirations which have traditionally found expression in progressive politics.

The Republican nominee's lack of empathy was also considered to anticipate a lack of wider insight on political and global affairs - as with the issue of terrorism, the necessity of multilateralism and the issue of renewed Russian influence in the world. Lack of knowledge, lack of experience and a dearth of social consciousness amounted to a singular incompetence which ultimately disqualified Trump from leadership, and especially a leadership which drew its mandate from inspired fear and division - qualities Biden saw as antithetical to America's ideal of aspiration and common heritage, particularly in the face of adversity. His speech one of the most warmly and widely received, as said; his direct and firm oratory reflecting well upon his stature and rank as an elder of the Democratic Party and American statesman too.

It will remain that perhaps his most elect commendation to the future of the party and the country found a singular, eloquent expression in a rebuke to the philosophy of Trump on the world stage, and a reaffirmation of America's evolving, democratic heritage.

"The 21st century is going to be the American century. Because we lead not only by the example of our power, but by the power of our example! That is the history of the journey of Americans."


Govenor Andrew Cuomo (NY) -

among many Democrats to speak against 

the candidacy of Trump

The proceeding days would see numerous speeches in which liberal and other luminaries would ruminate on the values at stake in the election, the history of the democratic and liberal movement, and the potential strength so invested in that singular movement if given to the right momentum and time. Also, many party officers and senior representatives would speak extensively on the complexion of Democratic aspirations, including a particular address given by Governor Andrew Cuomo of New York. Though not one of the more widely related or pointed efforts given, it was a point of curiosity for some as to the governor's somewhat understated presence amid his peers. In all, it has been postulated that though Andrew's positions in the state have been, ultimately, progressive, these conclusions were the project of left wing supporters and are not his natural estate - his history demonstrating a more centrist and pro-corporate stance on social and economic issues. This tenuous relationship with now popular and well established progressive causes and difficulty with his election campaign, relative to those, are deemed to have dimmed the governor's wider profile: having once been considered a welcoming candidate for vice presidential choice and who's lack of success there demonstrates that establishment Democrats cannot be too conceited in their ostensible monopoly on progressive and left wing issues, more over.

Democratic Vice Presidential Nomination


As alluded before in my previous elaborations on the constitutional nature of the Vice President of the United States, and the now not uncommon, more organic nature of the office in later times, the selection and ultimate candidate for office can be a telling and often interesting reflection of the campaign - and indeed government - to come, when the inclinations of the presidential candidate are considered. As with their Republican rivals, the Democratic Party - once the nomination of Hillary Clinton was all but confirmed - set themselves to the selection of a potential vice president who could address some of the potential interests foreseen in the forthcoming campaign, but also in the potential presidency to emerge should Hillary win the November election. 

Tim Kaine, Junior Senator of Virginia,

was nominated for Vice President

The process of selection tinged by the charged and colorful contest for the presidential nomination, the issue of vice presidential pick was a matter of some debate for the Democratic Party and was widely seen as a potential field in which the lingering tensions and disappointments of the principal contest could be aired and relieved. Of note, many Democrat's stood for consideration, both overtly and within their respective circles, though it came to be that the broader imperatives of the Democratic leadership informed the final choice.

Though such vivid potential nominees as the overtly progressive Elizabeth Warren, along with more moderate but dynamic and successful personalities like the Hispanic Julian Castro, Mayor of San Antonio and Brian Schweitzer, former governor of robustly red Montana; credentials not so removed from Tom Vilsack, another potential, who was once governor of another reliant red state in Iowa. In all, Hillary's pick was the ostensibly conventional, but canny choice of Tim Kaine. Among the Democrat's seasoned and powerful cadre of high office potential's, Tim is a richly experienced nominee who brings two elements to Hillary's campaign and potential government. Having executive experience at many levels - Mayor of Richmond, Vice-Governor and then Governor of Virginia, before elected Junior Senator - Tim is a fully fledged administrator and law maker. Though, in the more immediate respect, Tim's selection consolidates an element of the wider American political geography that may prove vital to both present and future Democratic aspirations.

Virginia - Republican red heritage, then purple

but now an emerging Democratic blue after 2008

The state of Virginia was once one of the border states of the American eastern seaboard: marking the beginning of the Republican south from the Democratic north in neighboring Maryland. But, this convention of American politics - there and elsewhere - is passing. Changing demographics and consolidating sub-cultures has seen this once red bulwark become purple and then favorably blue during the term of President Obama. And with a now well established heritage of Democrats working, popular and effective, in the state, the alignment of Virginia - among others like Florida and North Carolina, is found among the Democratic blue.

Tim Kaine's selection not only desires to consolidate the nascent status of Virginia in the Democratic camp, but also proposes the more immediate probability of adding the state's electoral college value of 13 to the already powerful Democratic tally - a number which, in a potential contest - could prove decisive for Hillary, who is herself popular in many of the southern democratic enclaves. More so, this element to the wider Democratic strategy could allow for further resources, inspiration and focus to be directed to nearby Democratic potential states; political regions which either by trend or particular circumstance could align with the Democratic cause this November, as found in neighboring North Carolina - a Democrat voting state in 2008 and which Republican's have had to work to keep since. Concordantly, Kentucky could well be within reach, given the singular circumstance of this election cycle: ostensibly a safe Republican voter, but with a sympathy for Democratic personalities like Carter and Bill Clinton, it is also found that recent polling puts Hillary ahead of trump by at least a few points. Something which, if taken to its ultimate conclusion, could proffer the state's 8 votes to the Clinton campaign.

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